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Power in the Age of Fracture, Part II

Strategic decoupling in an age of Western rebellion.

In the wreckage of World War II, there was no question who had won. Europe lay physically and morally bankrupt—its cities shattered, its institutions hollowed out, and its spiritual confidence extinguished in the fires of fascism and the humiliations of collaboration. America, in contrast, emerged not only militarily triumphant, but also civilizationally intact. It stood at the apex of industrial productivity, financial power, and—most crucially—a sense of providential mission. The nation had saved the world again from barbarism, and now it would rebuild it.

The instrument of this rebuilding was not martial coercion but what was euphemistically called the European Recovery Program. The Marshall Plan, as it came to be known, was a masterstroke of economic strategy. But it was more than that—it was a civilizational covenant. Through grants and loans, technology transfers, and institutional design, the United States reseeded the very soil of European life with the means of moral and material reconstruction. The goal was not merely to avert famine or restore infrastructure, but to reorient Europe toward the West—toward a shared vision of liberty, dignity, and law grounded in the remnants of a Christian moral order.

Western Europe rose from the ashes, and for a time, it seemed to regain its footing. From the founding of NATO to the forging of the European Economic Community, the transatlantic alliance was not merely a political convenience, but an expression of civilizational unity.

But what begins in moral solidarity must be sustained by strategic alignment. And that alignment has, over time, deteriorated—first subtly, then unmistakably.

The end of the Cold War unshackled Europe from its strategic dependence on the United States while simultaneously eroding the West’s shared purpose. The Soviet threat had imposed a kind of unity by fear; its disappearance left the alliance adrift, increasingly governed by inertia rather than necessity.

Since then, Europe has undergone a transformation that cannot be ignored by serious strategists. It has embraced a technocratic, post-national, and aggressively secular worldview that is increasingly at odds with the older moral grammar that once undergirded transatlantic cooperation. Mass immigration from the Global South—encouraged in part by the ideology of universalist humanitarianism—has not only strained Europe’s welfare states but also disrupted the cultural cohesion that made democratic self-government possible. This is not simply a demographic issue—it is a civilizational one.

The irony is that while Europe has drifted culturally leftward, economically it has become increasingly mercantilist. Under the guise of environmental policy, digital sovereignty, and “fair trade,” the European Union has constructed a protectionist regime that disadvantages American businesses even as it benefits from access to U.S. markets. The Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, for instance—launched in 2023—amounts to a climate tariff on imports from countries like the United States that do not adhere to E.U. environmental standards. Meanwhile, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the forthcoming AI Act impose steep compliance costs on U.S. tech firms while shielding European champions from foreign competition.

In parallel, European defense spending remains anemic. Despite years of American exhortation, only a handful of NATO member states meet the 2% of GDP target, and even those that do tend to prioritize personnel benefits over deployable capabilities. Germany, the continent’s economic engine, is emblematic. After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced a “Zeitenwende”—a historic turning point in German security posture—complete with a 100 billion euro defense fund. Two years later, procurement delays and bureaucratic inertia have ensured that little of consequence has changed. Europe remains a strategic free rider, luxuriating in soft-power diplomacy while relying on U.S. hard power to underwrite its security.

Game theory clarifies what policymakers often obscure. In the original Marshall Game, both sides faced aligned incentives: the United States wanted to stabilize Europe to prevent the spread of Communism and open new markets; Europe needed American capital, protection, and leadership. Both sides won.

But in game-theoretic terms, what we now observe is a defection from equilibrium. Europe, in its post-Christian, post-national mode, no longer shares the moral-political vision of the United States—at least not the United States that exists outside the Washington-Brussels elite feedback loop. Culturally, it has opted for managed pluralism over civic unity. Economically, it has pursued policy independence while exploiting U.S. openness. And strategically, it has outsourced defense to the Pentagon while critiquing American interventions and aligning at times with rival powers like China and Iran.

When one player repeatedly defects, the rational response is not continued cooperation—it is conditionality, restructuring, or exit.

Decoupling is not a temper tantrum. It is the correction of a misaligned strategy, a movement toward equilibrium under new conditions. In practical terms, it means a reordering of U.S. commitments to reflect the reality that Europe is no longer a strategic partner in the traditional sense.

The shape of strategic decoupling is sectoral, layered, and iterative. It begins not with treaty withdrawals but with recalibrated assumptions.

In defense, it means shifting NATO’s center of gravity toward Eastern Europe—where states like Poland, Romania, and the Baltic nations show greater seriousness about security—and away from legacy actors whose strategic inertia undermines collective credibility. It may also mean reducing forward-deployed U.S. forces in Germany and reallocating resources toward Indo-Pacific contingencies where American interests are more directly threatened.

In trade, it means responding in kind to European protectionism. If the E.U. insists on climate-adjusted tariffs, the U.S. can and should introduce carbon import fees that penalize European luxury exports while shielding its own industrial base. Likewise, U.S. digital and antitrust policy should prioritize national champions and resiliency over placating Brussels bureaucrats.

In diplomacy, it means understanding that Europe is no longer the moral bellwether of the West. The Vatican’s silence on civilizational collapse, the E.U.’s inability to defend its borders or even its history, the tendency of European elites to lecture Americans on liberal values while ignoring their own internal fractures—these are not accidents. They are the predictable result of a continent that has lost its spiritual center.

And in capital markets, it means recognizing that transatlantic financial integration carries systemic risk. European regulatory bodies like the European Central Bank increasingly act in ways that insulate their own economies while exporting volatility. Strategic decoupling involves rethinking exposure and rebalancing investment toward regions that share not only interests, but also governing assumptions.

The United States is not condemned to eternal guardianship of a continent that no longer believes in itself. The Marshall Plan was an act of civilizational solidarity, predicated on the belief that Europe could recover its moral and institutional vitality. But that was a different Europe, and a different America. The spiritual bond has frayed; the strategic alignment has eroded; the economic relationship has curdled into quiet hostility.

This is not a counsel of despair—it is a counsel of clarity. In a multipolar world where hard power, cultural confidence, and institutional integrity will determine which nations endure, America must choose its partners with discernment. The future lies not in preserving 20th-century alliances but in constructing 21st-century alignments that are rooted in mutual interest and shared metaphysical assumptions.

If Europe wishes to repent of its technocratic apostasy and recover the old moral grammar, it will find in America a willing friend. But until that day comes, strategic decoupling is not a retreat—it is the beginning of strategic adulthood.

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